Why I Strike

Are you overworked and underpaid? Is your boss giving you a hard time? Are you unemployed? Do you have mounting credit debt or student debt?

Its time to strike and remove your consent from the illegitimate economic and political institutions that run our lives.
STRIKE FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING

STRIKE FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING

Shout out to everyone who is working for Occupy on May 1

I would love to not be working on May1st, but being a part of the Occupy Seattle Facebook and Media teams I will likely be working my ass off :)

I’d just like everyone to remember and give thanks to all of us who help organize, publicize and generally make things happen in this movement. Across the US, there are undoubtedly 1000’s of people you never hear about, likely never met in RL, who quietly in the background make things happen. Everyone from the nameless gnomes who run our servers to the people who just quietly show up, unasked, at meetings and events with food. There are so many unsung heroes in this movement, people who just keep GETTING SHIT DONE :)

Just have a thought and hopefully some appreciation for all of us who will likely be working our asses off on May Day :)

My 2cp…

Because I’m sick of the way things are in the United States and the world

Because war criminals go on book tours while their victims’ corpses rot. Because financial crooks hedge their funds and shield their income from taxes and play games with the global economy.

Because poor people have to pay large fees to cash their small paychecks. Because women do so much emotional labor, mostly unpaid and unthanked. Because 22-yr-olds leave college with heavy loads of debt and few job prospects. Because men & women (& yes, even children) roll themselves in blankets and sleep in doorways, night after night.

Because my friend the professor got a police baton in the chest when she tried to protect UC students from violent cops. Because “there aren’t enough funds” for Head Start or state parks or childcare or shelters, but there are ALWAYS enough funds for wars, the pentagon, the increasingly militarized police.

Because November 2’s General Strike in Oakland was one of the most free and joyous days of my life. Because December 12’s West Coast Port Shutdown was filled wtih solidarity and love. Because people are counting on me to show up and speak out with them. Because I know I’ll have a good time. Because I know we’ll make a difference. Because I want to.

Because I can. Because I am healthy enough, able-bodied enough, privileged enough, strong enough, well-informed enough. Because I’m ready.

Because I am part of the 99%. Because I’m not waiting any longer for someone else to do something to “save” us. Because the 1% need to see us in action, and I am part of that.

Because of Mary “Mother” Jones the widowed, childless, brilliant labor organizer. Because of Malallai Joya, the Afghan woman leader. Because of women everywhere who risk their lives to go on strike, to support their men on strike, to refuse sex to men in their own form of strikes that aren’t in history books (yet). Because of women everywhere who CAN’T yet go on strike.

Because of my son. Because of my young friends and colleagues. Because of children. Because of the grandchild I hope someday to hold in my arms.

Because I’m sick of the way things are, and because I know we can make another way, many other ways forward.

Onward to May Day, the People’s Day. General Strike!

The United States of America on college education

Student: I’m not going to go to college because I don’t want to go into debt.

USA: YOU’RE USELESS. YOU’RE GOING TO AMOUNT TO NOTHING YOU SCUMBAG. YOU’RE THE REASON WHY MY TAXES ARE SO HIGH.


Student: I attended a four year university and received a diploma in a field I am interested in. Now I am $50,000+ in debt.

USA: YOU DUMBASS. WHY DID YOU GO TO COLLEGE WHEN YOU KNOW YOU COULDN’T AFFORD IT? YOU DIDN’T EVEN CHOOSE A USEFUL MAJOR EITHER. GOD PEOPLE LIKE YOU MAKE ME SICK.

THIS IS WHY I STRIKE.

Because STRIKE is a verb..

For too long, strike has been a noun, owned by organized labor and only deployed under the most stringent conditions of legality and limited struggle. As all forms of ownership exploit and ultimately destroy the owned, the traditional conception of the strike has become a feeble thing, a single event, incapable of producing the adequate ruptures that could lead to capital’s destruction.

But as anyone who has gone on strike knows, strike is also a verb. Not a defensive re-trenching of organized self-interest, but a blow against the owners, managers and producers of our exploitation, an offensive directed at the weak points of their domination. Together we strike out towards a future we can’t yet envision, forging new conditions of possibility through collective action.

To be completely honest, I strike because my 7-year-old brother deserves a better world than this.

To be completely honest, I strike because my 7-year-old brother deserves a better world than this.

May Day: A Radical Strike into the Belly of the Beast


May Day: A Radical Strike into the Belly of the Beast

By Zakk Flash

May 1st is recognized worldwide as International Workers’ Day, a holiday originating in response to the Haymarket Massacre of 1886 in Chicago, where workers fought for the establishment of worker protection measures, namely the eight hour workday. However, while the rest of the world marks May Day as a celebration of the working class, the United States is left with Labor Day—a banker’s holiday hurriedly passed through Congress by Grover Cleveland in an attempt to appease the outrage generated by the murder of railway workers at the hands of United States Army troops during the Pullman Strike.

May Day, along with notions of radical worker action, has largely been ignored in the United States in recent years. But the time for complacency has passed.

While a worker walk-out may have been born from the secessio plebis of Ancient Rome, English Chartist and radical preacher William Benbow brought to modern times the idea of general strike as a “sacred month” in the first mass working-class labor movement. In 1877, the Great Railroad Strike began the first major labor action in the United States; centered in East Saint Louis, the strike shut down all industrial railway traffic through the National Stockyards, letting only passenger and mail trains through. In 1936, early in Franklin D. Roosevelt’s presidency, a series of strikes spread; half a million textile workers united in states across the country, dock workers and their associates in San Francisco, and radical Teamsters in Minneapolis all fought against the violence of police and armed strikebreakers. These strikes, and the unemployment councils that cropped up to encourage progressive change, pushed Roosevelt to enact bold reforms to the American system.

Over the course of two days in December of 1946, radical action brought City of Oakland to a standstill. The general strike there inspired the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act that President Truman called a “conflict with important principles of our democratic society,” even as he used it twelve times over the course of his presidency. The act essentially killed the general strike as a tactic for the labor movement.

The power of the working class, however, is not tied to mainstream organized labor; concessions by the AFL-CIO to the government’s National Labor Relations Board have made the organization little more than a special interest group for the Democrats, even as they pass anti-labor and anti-free speech legislation. While the working class needs the strength of militant unionization—the IWW Food and Retail Workers United union in the Pacific Northwest being a good example—the policies of the National Labor Relations Board are decidedly anti-worker. Capitulation of reactionary unions to NLRB demands, and to the Democratic Party, constitutes abandonment of the working class.

Knowing that union leadership would be refused the blessing of their Democratic Party masters, rank-and-file members of labor joined with the Occupy Movement to speak for themselves; in October 2011, the General Assembly of Occupy Oakland voted overwhelmingly to shut down the city on November 2nd in response to the military-style crackdown on demonstrators by eighteen different police agencies, including the critical wounding of Scott Olsen and Kayvan Sabehgi, two veterans of the war in Iraq. The convergence of radical labor and Occupy Oakland made it possible to shut down the Port of Oakland, the fifth-largest container port in the nation, disrupting millions of dollars of capitalist income. This is only the beginning.

"Do not wait to strike till the iron is hot; but make it hot by striking!" -William Butler Yeats

In December of 2011, Occupy Los Angeles called for a general strike on May Day, to “recognize housing, education, and healthcare as human rights.” This revival of May Day has been echoed by Occupations from wealthy Wall Street to poverty-stricken Oklahoma. Already, nationwide strikes have rocked other countries hit hard by the capitalist crisis, including Spain, Iceland, Portugal, and Greece. Austerity measures in these countries have been enacted solely to appease unelected European Union technocrats, protecting the interests of wealthy investors and multinational banking cartels. The civil war that capitalism calls “peace” is intensifying universally; the May Day General Strike will be our response to their crisis.

On May 1st, 2012, we will revive the May Day the ruling class has tried to erase; we will celebrate International Workers’ Day in the United States as a political manifestation of class consciousness and international solidarity.

However, our demonstrations on May Day cannot be an exercise in paying homage to the past days of the global justice movement; instead, they must embody concrete preparation for the future. The anarchist concept of prefigurative politics demands that we lay the foundations of future society solidly in the present. By retaking May Day, we stand in solidarity with a legacy of international struggle against neoliberal capitalism and authoritarian control. Values such as classlessness, autonomy, self-management, diversity, and mutual aid preclude borders; the internationalism of May Day is only one step in a long march towards an international solidarity.

The atmosphere across the globe seems pregnant with a revolutionary fervor unseen in recent years. The occupation at New York City’s New School in 2008 provided a glimpse into the possibilities of occupation when students seized their school building as a show of solidarity against the policies of a broken administration. The nascent student movement later reclaimed campuses across California, inspiring actions nationwide with the release of an influential text called “Communiqué from an Absent Future.” At the same time, organizers linked themselves to demonstrations in Greece over the police murder of a 15-year old anarchist in the neighborhood of Exarcheia.

With the European crisis beginning in late 2010 and Arab Spring blossoming in early 2011, international resistance to gutter government became not only widespread, but populist in nature. In Greece, the “I Won’t Pay” movement took shape as normal citizens ignored tolls, transit ticket costs, and bills for healthcare. Governor Scott Walker’s anti-labor actions designed to eliminate collective bargaining were met with thousands of people descending on the Madison, Wisconsin State Capitol. Later that spring, the May 15th movement known as los Indignados took over public squares in Spain and Greece and demanded a radical change to the political milieu.

Millions of people around the world are waking up to the realization that capitalism is a pyramid scheme.

Our unity with the workers of the world extends beyond May Day. Radical movements must seek more than an end to illegitimate and authoritarian governments; we demand the recognition of universal rights, respect of individual autonomy and local decision-making, and an end to coercive and subordinate relationships in all areas of our lives. As Bob Black writes inThe Abolition of Work:

"To demonize state authoritarianism while ignoring identical, albeit contract-consecrated, subservient arrangements in the large-scale corporations which control the world economy is fetishism at its worst … Your supervisor gives you more or-else orders in a week than the police do in a decade."

Our struggle has to be more than mere conflict with a rigged economic system. Economics do not exist in a vacuum, but at the convergence of complex political, financial, and military interests. Historical, social, and legal dimensions come into play with the understanding that markets perpetrate inequities by favoring those with more power, wealth, and privilege. To avoid essentialism, we must strike hard at the intersections that prop up systemic inequality, even as we focus on unbridled market fundamentalism itself.

One of the most dangerous institutions that undergird capitalist economic structure is the military-industrial complex.

On May 20-21st, tens of thousands will gather in Chicago to demonstrate against the NATO military bloc. Serving as the armed will of the U.S. and Western Europe, NATO accounts for a staggering 70% of the world’s military spending, money that is used to control strategic resources of the Global South on behalf of a Western capitalist economic minority. While the majority of the planet lives on less than $2 per day, NATO swallows $2 billion per week on a war that nobody seems to want. The reasons are simple: poverty and wealth are functions of politico-economic entanglement; when resources abroad like oil or precious metals are determined to be matters of national security, the politics of who deserveswhat comes into play.

Contrast the billions spent by countries on weapons and war technology and the amount of money spent on help for the poverty-stricken children, women and men of the Global South. A stark picture is soon painted.

As spokesman for the Coalition Against NATO/G-8 War & Poverty Agenda, Andy Thayer reminds us that Richard Nixon, President of the US in ‘68, was no friend of the working class. However, even despite being “ideologically… far to the right of any previous post-WW II president, and a notorious racist and anti-Semite to boot,” Nixon enacted a series of measures “that marked him as by far the most “progressive” president since the Great Depression—far to the left of, yes, President Obama.” Despite his conservative principles, a mass movement of citizen agitation forced Nixon to enact Affirmative Action, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), expand food stamps, nominate a Supreme Court that gave us Roe v. Wade, and finally, a wind-down of the Vietnam War.

Young men and women who join the military, many for an education or a job opportunity, are being slaughtered around the world as the American Empire advances, using poor countries as proxy in many cases. As many soldiers refuse to reenlist, the temptation of tactical nuclear strike grows for the Pentagon. Without an immediate demand for disarmament, a global nuclear war is almost certainly on the horizon; already, we see the case built for attacks on Iran and North Korea. Thayer’s call for continuous and forceful action against warmongering is an urgent one; the opportunity to act against imperial militarism must be seized in Chicago as Obama takes the stage in his effort make the NATO summit the centerpiece of his reelection campaign.

Chicago 1968 marked the beginning of the end for the Vietnam War. Exposing NATO’s military expansionist policies in Chicago 2012 may provide a valuable victory for Occupy Wall Street and for the global justice movement as a whole. War must be understood as a critical underpinning of the capitalist agenda.

The call for a general strike and the mobilization of opposition to NATO’s military stranglehold, however, must only be the beginning of a growing and sustained process of radical organization: of fellow citizens in the workplace, in our neighborhoods, and in our schools. Our movement must include the homeless, the working poor, the uneducated, the societal marginalized—those most disadvantaged by capitalist exploitation. Radical mo(ve)ments such as these serve as a wake-up call, not only to socio-political elites faced with a critical mass demanding change, but to the entirety of the working class who have realized the power they seek lies in their own direct action. Profound social transformation must be at the root of any economic recovery.

We live in a time when half-hearted notions of “reform” are served only as a recuperative mechanism for capitalist greed, where governments pledge that the only escape from financial crisis must come through workers surrendering their rights, where the commons is privatized and the rights of all are turned into a bargaining chip that benefits only a few. Women’s bodies are turned into battlegrounds as politicians fight for office. Social services, education, and jobs are being slashed in a scorched-earth campaign to preserve power.

Historically, government has failed in its responsibilities, unless forced by direct action: sit-ins and Freedom Rides for the rights of black people, strikes and boycotts for the rights of workers, mutinies and desertions of soldiers in order to stop a war. Today, we can be sure we will not see any change from the status quo … unless popular upsurge demands it. The best way to make our demands known? Hit capitalism in its pocketbook.

I’ll meet you at the barricades.


Dr. Zakk Flash is an anarchist political writer, radical community activist, and editor of the Central Oklahoma Black/Red Alliance (COBRA). He lives in Norman, Oklahoma.

Find more about the Central Oklahoma Black/Red Alliance (COBRA) at http://www.facebook.com/COBRACollective.

queers hate capitalism

queers hate capitalism

My people are among the most terrorized on the planet, and their suffering is at the feet of the 1%.

My people are among the most terrorized on the planet, and their suffering is at the feet of the 1%.

Norwegian environmentalist, Erik Dammann found that the West’s focus on competition for personal gain had more to do with social structure than human nature. He also found a deep respect for other cultures and a sense of responsibility for the way they were being destroyed by the consumption-oriented Western lifestyle. He perceived an immense gap between the stated values of Western society, such as justice, freedom, responsibility and solidarity, and the actual impact of that society on people in other countries and on the Earth.

Norwegian environmentalist, Erik Dammann found that the West’s focus on competition for personal gain had more to do with social structure than human nature. He also found a deep respect for other cultures and a sense of responsibility for the way they were being destroyed by the consumption-oriented Western lifestyle. He perceived an immense gap between the stated values of Western society, such as justice, freedom, responsibility and solidarity, and the actual impact of that society on people in other countries and on the Earth.

Winning

Winning

Why I Strike

I strike because work and money oppress us. I strike because it is the physical manifestation of workers’ solidarity. I strike to defend myself against the state. I strike because I believe in equality.

The true builders of America

I have been a union member most of my working life, starting at age 14. I believe that America was built by workers, not bosses, and thus workers deserve a true share of the fruits of our labors.

Mike

I strike because I live under a heterosexist system of authoritarianism that allows no space for my physical and emotional safety. I strike because there’s no other option.

I strike because I live under a heterosexist system of authoritarianism that allows no space for my physical and emotional safety. I strike because there’s no other option.

We teach kids from an early age that inequality is inherent. We must teach them this because this is not a natural way to view the world. I strike because I no longer want to live in a world where inequality is the norm. I strike because I don’t want my kids to know what it means to be oppressed. I strike because it is one way to begin this change. A better world is not only possible, it is inevitable. I strike because we are winning.

We teach kids from an early age that inequality is inherent. We must teach them this because this is not a natural way to view the world. I strike because I no longer want to live in a world where inequality is the norm. I strike because I don’t want my kids to know what it means to be oppressed. I strike because it is one way to begin this change. A better world is not only possible, it is inevitable. I strike because we are winning.